Search for an answer or ask Weegy. There are no new answers. There are no comments. Add an answer or comment. Log in or sign up first. Weegy: Many poor white southern laborers could no longer find work because of: competition from freedmen. A major failure of Reconstruction was that - racist attitudes continued in the North and South. Weegy: The 14th Amendment was a response to discriminatory laws, called black codes, passed in the South that treated blacks as second class citizens.
Weegy: The Supreme Courts limitations on post-Civil War amendments severely hurt the civil rights intended to protect African Americans. Get answers from Weegy and a team of really smart live experts. Popular Conversations. Fill in the blank space with an antonym of the italicized word.
Weegy: 1. He couldn't bear the cold of Alaska after living in the heat of Texas. He has been accused of theft, but we What was one of the significance impacts of the scientific revolution Weegy: One of the significant impacts of the scientific revolution is that it resulted in developments in mathematics, Blood is transported from the right and left ventricles of the heart Except for the postbellum Freedmen's Bureau, the division was the first agency of its kind in the nation.
The security apparatus watched over the African American labor situation and kept tabs on individuals such as A. The Records of the United States Coal Commission RG 68 , , document the efforts of the federal government to control upheavals in the coal mining industry caused by the end of the war.
The United Mine Workers of America Union was light years ahead of other AFL unions in its organization of black miners, but white miners and employers, however, more often than not shared fundamental ideas of black inferiority.
Despite the uneven relationship between black and white coal miners, a substantial degree of solidarity arose among miners of all colors and nationalities. The Records of the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service RG contain a substantial amount of information regarding black and white miners during these postwar years. In A. Randolph ultimately succeeded in his quest in and in the process became a leader in the fight against racism in the workplace and the nation.
Railroad Administration RG 14 document the efforts of African American railroad workers and their unions to procure satisfactory compensation and job security. The Roaring Twenties came to a crashing halt with the Great Depression. Seeking ways to alleviate the massive unemployment, President Franklin Roosevelt and his New Deal advisers sought ways to put people back to work and to increase purchasing power. Mary McLeod Bethune. These records span the depression, World War II, and postwar eras.
Housing Act of The act authorized a system of loans, grants, and subsidies to assist local housing authorities develop low-rent housing projects. Local Housing Authority boards from across the nation sent in reports detailing their progress toward setting aside a portion of the public housing construction work for African Americans. The portion was to be based on the size of the black population in a particular locale.
Included among these twenty thousand pages of records are a number of letters from local labor unions providing information concerning black laborers in skilled and nonskilled positions or attempting to explain the lack thereof.
New Dealers sought to institute the collective bargaining process by guaranteeing labor the right to organize and to designate representatives for collective bargaining purposes under the auspices of the National Labor Relations Board. In no more than 50, out of 1,, black workers engaged in transportation, extraction of minerals, or manufacturing were members of any trade union. Furthermore, the AFL remained a conservative organization.
A large number of member unions did not permit African Americans to join their ranks, and the AFL leadership showed little apparent interest in organizing black and white laborers in mass-production industries. The organization in of the Congress of Industrial Organizations CIO , which sought to organize industrial workers regardless of race or ethnic background, contributed to an alleviation of the historic conflict between African Americans and trade unions.
Thousands of African American workers joined unions, and much of this growth is documented in the Records of the National Labor Relations Board RG 25, approximately 5, cubic feet. A Bureau of Labor Statistics survey of American agricultural unionism noted that "labor unionism in agriculture has been a rather anomalous and transitory development in the American economy. It has been composed of literally hundreds of organizations that were sporadic, scattered, and short lived.
Agricultural workers were further hampered in their efforts at unionization because of their low social status and political impotence, public perception of the traditional family farm, and agriculture laborers who had more "solicitude of their employers" than industrial workers had.
The STFU was founded in in eastern Arkansas, an area of large cotton plantations worked by sharecroppers and owned in many cases by absentee owner-investors. Immediately after World War I, the collapse of cotton prices led to strained landlord-tenant relations as planters sought to shift some losses to tenants by manipulating accounts and, in some cases, outright fraud.
A group of African Americans organized the Progressive Farmers and Householders Union to protect themselves against exploitation and "advanc[e] the intellectual, material, moral, spiritual, and financial interests of the Negro race. Economic conditions for the sharecroppers of eastern Arkansas did improve slightly during the s, but with the depression of the s, conditions were again ripe for agricultural labor revolt.
Sharecroppers were faced with declining earnings, increased farm mechanization, and the Agricultural Adjustment Act of , which worked against their interests. One way the AAA sought to raise the income of farmers was through a series of allotments and subsidies prescribing the amount of land that could be placed in production and paying farmers not to farm additional land.
In Arkansas, these committees were dominated by white plantation owners. These owners often used the local committees to circumscribe the common law rights of tenants and sharecroppers, did not pay sharecroppers their fair share of government compensation payments, and altered the sharecroppers' status to wage hands to disqualify them from receiving government payments.
Posing a direct challenge to the established order in Arkansas, in two years the union boasted twenty-five thousand members, which included former Ku Klux Klansmen as well as survivors of the "Elaine Massacre," and by the end of claimed thirty-one thousand members in seven states.
Phillip Randolph, and through the strategic use of strikes and public demonstrations under the leadership of Harry L. Mitchell, the STFU was able to directly alleviate some of the oppressive living and working conditions of its members. Perhaps more important, however, was the attention it focused on the living and working conditions of tenant farmers and sharecroppers. The efforts of this committee helped lay the foundations for the Bankhead-Jones Farm Tenant Act, which established the Farm Security Administration and the Resettlement Administration, agencies that developed programs to assist migrant workers and authorized low-interest loans to farm tenants, sharecroppers, and farm laborers.
Mechanism within the cotton industry continued to increase, decreasing the need for tenant farmers. Approaching war clouds at the end of the s shifted the focus of the U. Although the STFU was never fully integrated most of its locals were all black or all white , it did leave an indelible mark upon the United States and symbolized for many what labor could accomplish if racial identity could be ignored.
The s would be a decade, however, when African Americans would achieve their greatest economic gains, in terms of real advances and in relation to whites, since the Civil War. The advance of African Americans in American industry during World War II was the result of the nation's wartime emergency need for workers and soldiers. In the National War Labor Board issued an order abolishing pay differentials based on race, pointing out, "America needs the Negro.
Early in , A. Philip Randolph announced the creation of a March on Washington Committee, promising that unless President Roosevelt issued an executive order ending racial discrimination in hiring by unions and employers and eliminating segregation in the armed forces, ten thousand Americans would march through Washington demanding an end to segregation.
The number of threatened marchers grew from 10, to 50,, and then to , Despite the entreaties of Roosevelt and his intermediaries, Randolph made it clear that nothing less than a presidential executive order would stop the march.
Roosevelt gave in and issued Executive Order After asserting that national unity was being impaired by discrimination, the executive order declared it to be the "duty of employers and of labor organizations to provide for the full and equitable participation of all workers in defense industries, without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
The committee formulated and interpreted policies to combat racial and religious discrimination in employment; received, investigated, and adjusted complaints of such discrimination; and assisted government agencies, employers, and labor unions with the problems of discrimination.
The committee handled fourteen thousand complaints of discrimination from all regions of the country, 80 percent of which were filed by African Americans. Executive Order was Roosevelt's compromise with Randolph, and as such it had some inherent weaknesses. For instance, the executive order did not mention military segregation.
Nor could the FEPC require compliance with its decisions and directives. To obtain compliance, it depended on its own powers of persuasion or the prestige of other government agencies concerned with manpower and labor relations. Despite its weaknesses, the FEPC had some notable successes. Its own investigations and directives against discriminating corporations, unions, and government agencies helped to increase the African American presence in the nation's defense industry from 3 to 8 percent.
For the first time, the federal government admitted that blacks suffered from discrimination and that government had a responsibility to remedy it. The board was to act as the final arbiter of wartime labor disputes and to pass on adjustments in certain wages and salaries.
There are approximately 3, linear feet of record material in Record Group , of which approximately 2, feet is case file material. Among those records are dispute case files, accompanying transcripts, and transcripts of executive sessions of the National Defense Mediation Board , the predecessor agency to the World War II NWLB; the board's headquarters dispute case files and transcripts; a complete set of case files from the twelve regional NWLB offices; and case files for some of the board's commissions and panels on industries.
At least ten cases in these files concern racial discrimination. Moreover, the number of individual files from all regions of the United States, and the presence of records of special commissions on industries in which blacks were particularly concentrated for instance, shipbuilding and meatpacking , suggests that the records of the National War Labor Board may well be an underused source of information on African American workers during World War II.
Black labor unionism became part of a wider campaign for civil rights after World War II. After the merger of the CIO and the AFL in , it seemed that the AFL had placed a conservative pall over the entire organization, dividing white and black unionists.
It was also the era of the civil rights movement, and black union officials such as Ed Nixon and A. Philip Randolph were among the leaders during the Montgomery bus boycott and the March on Washington. African Americans were to continue to press their demands for justice within unions in the s and s through internal union organizations such as the Ad Hoc Committee of Steel Workers and the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement.
Confronting continued union and corporate discrimination, African American civil right groups sought redress through a number of court cases under Title VII, Equal Employment Opportunity, of the Civil Rights Act of , which prohibits discrimination in employment because of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. A number of record groups document the intersection of the civil rights and labor movements.
General Records of the Department of Labor RG include numerous files of concern to African Americans and the civil rights movement among the records its secretaries, Court of Appeals RG , and the U. Supreme Court RG present a number of opportunities for the student of African American and trade labor relations.
There are, no doubt, opportunities that this paper overlooks.
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